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Deixamos 3. Fam Med. Na 30 7 Bhagar HA. Med Educ. Bowman J. Bioethics at the movies. New Atlantis 5. No education. Acad Med. This movie is German, English, French, Russian, Turkish. Arno Mayer Peter Weiss. More Like This. Coming Soon. As a result, the military tried to systematically boycott the newspaper by pressuring ad agencies to avoid the publication.
The newspaper published reports that analyzed the political situation and what would become of individual liberties in the country, reporting that the act marked a coup within a coup. After AI-5, the political pages of the newspaper lost their spot to culture, art, and cinema, and little by little, the newspaper lost the critical stance that had characterized it since its founding Faber, p.
Used with permission. Almost all of the employees, 86 people, were laid off in one fell swoop Pinheiro Junior, With their improvised newsrooms, the two papers were gradually dismantled, both politically and editorially. The newspaper considered expressing a merely informative and linear vision of events sufficient, as in , during an attempted attack in downtown Rio. The decline persisted, and in the newspaper circulated for only a part of the afternoon. Sales were bad, and the paper was sold.
Later, in , it declared bankruptcy with a debt of million cruzeiros. For example, the Paulista branch was leased to Grupo Folha in the s and the Porto Alegre branch later turned into Zero Hora , one of the main daily newspapers in circulation in Brazil today. Acervo da Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, ref. Revista Historiador, ano 3, n. Acesso em: 20 jun. Rio de Janeiro: Mauad, Like the metal workers and the workers in steelmaking industries in the region, oil workers gained visibility throughout the s and the early s by means of their large mobilizing capacity and the advances in political consciousness-building.
In , oil workers represented one of the key sectors of the political-ideological clashes that culminated in the civil-military coup of the same year. All union files were confiscated, and the board directors who were linked to the PCB were removed from power, forced to flee in order to avoid prison.
The union remained under control of the Ministry of Labor until In the late s, a dispute over whether to maintain the state oil monopoly or sell the natural resources to foreign multinationals began. In the second half of the s, oil workers from the Manguinhos Refinery, a private company founded in December , organized, fighting for better wages and work conditions. Later, the third branch would be moved to Presidente Vargas Avenue, then finally settle on Passos Avenue, in the downtown part of the city.
He was first imprisoned on the border of Rio Grande do Sul with Uruguay. In Porto Alegre, Autran was interrogated in the Army premises. After the interrogation, the unionist was left locked up, naked, without a shower, in a dark, cold room. In his words:. At night, the rats and cockroaches would come. The cockroaches would eat our skin. They attack more than the rats. The employees endured horrors.
They would ask: where is so-and-so? Generally, the unions have the so-called advisors on the board of directors, and those poor devils suffered a lot. It was a witch hunt. They created broad investigation commissions. The person would go to testify and, upon leaving, would already receive their letter of dismissal or suspension.
In the worst case scenario, they would be asked to collaborate. Some went to the other side Francisco Soriano. Of these, of the names were listed in a Military Police Investigation IPM established to investigate the political activities of the state company. In , oil worker activists tried to take back control of the union.
However, it was prevented from taking office, due to alleged fraud in the elections. The entity, then, continued under military control. Francisco Soriano was one of the members of the winning slate prevented from taking office.
According to him, the entire slate was fired, causing the winning leadership to lose ties with the entity. Soon after the kidnapping of U. Ambassador Charles Elbrick, in , repressive agencies intensified their persecution of activists engaged in the armed struggle. Fernando Autran, who lived in hiding with a false identity, became a wanted man.
His family started to receive threats, and, under threat, the union member had to turn himself in. According to his testimony, he must have been imprisoned in place of Fernando Gabeira, who was involved in the kidnapping of the U. Throughout the dictatorial regime, oil workers continued laboring under intense surveillance, making it impossible for them to organize in their union.
However, during the Geisel and Figueiredo governments, the oil workers were very engaged in the redemocratization movement, such as in the Direct Elections Now campaign. At the same time, the union headquarters was the target of attempted arson, an attack that remains a mystery to this day.
There were three arson attempts, and the criminals were seen running away on the roof of the building Surgente, When the military regime ended, the union moved forward with its activism, carrying out a series of strikes, such as one that took place in , an occasion in which seven oil workers were fired for having organized a shutdown.
Some of them, including Jorge Eduardo, Eduardo Machado, and Emanuel Cancella would later became directors of the entity. With the business administrative reform, thousands of oil workers were laid off. The union played a crucial role in the fight for reintegrating workers who were laid off and in their involvement with the Remove Collor campaign. The privatization of oil companies like Nitriflex and Petroflex left thousands of workers unemployed. The group managed to reverse hundreds of layoffs.
In the following year, the oil workers declared a national strike, demanding the suspension of the privatizations and the reintegration of laid-off workers. The fight against privatization continued in the next governments of Itamar Franco and Fernando Henrique Cardoso. It was a period marked by large strikes, negotiations, defeats, and some victories. It is worth highlighting that this strike became a paradigm for the history of twentieth century Brazilian workers movements.
As the moment unfolded, other groups of oil workers joined the cause. It is located on Passos Avenue, 34, in downtown Rio de Janeiro. It is a reference in the national trade union movement, and works alongside social movements all over the country.
Acesso em: 4 nov. Surgente: jornal semanal Sindipetro-Rj, Rio de Janeiro, n. The name is representative of a figure who represents one the harshest, most authoritarian periods of Brazilian history, as it honors the president who signed the Fifth Institutional Act AI Nowadays, there is an intense movement demanding a change of name. The construction itself exhibits several signs of the dictatorship, such as the participation of soldiers in the project management, the profiting of businessmen affiliated with the regime, the strengthening of the highway transportation model, and neglect for worker health and security.
During the dictatorship, infrastructure projects such as viaducts, bridges, and overpasses proliferated. The model was sustained by private interests of economic groups such as the large automotive industry multinationals established in the country and the manufacturers who supplied equipment and materials for the highway construction, in addition to Brazilian public works contractors specializing in highway construction since the Juscelino Kubitschek period. This debate continued until just before and even during the building of the bridge, when members of the government suggested that a railway tunnel could complete the connection.
The choice in favor of the bridge was made by the Ministry of Transportation, citing lower costs than the underground connection. The agency consulted three U. With the plans settled in , it was agreed that the bridge would be Ultimately, a compromise was reached and the height of the central gap was set at 72 meters.
The National Congress approved the construction in the form of a bill sent to dictator Arthur da Costa e Silva, which was signed on October 16th, , becoming Law no. The work relied partially on foreign financing, with a loan from a group of British banks led by the Rothschild family.
Construction began in December of and encountered a series of problems, mainly in the initial phase of building the foundations. Technical difficulties and work accidents were constant, concentrated in the major problems that arose with the support structures on the bottom of the Guanabara Bay. Without the use of modern technological innovations developed from deep-water exploration of petroleum, the foundations were constructed with caissons.
The studies completed on the bottom of the bay indicated a maximum depth of 15 meters, but in the area of the central gap, the riverbed was found to be more than 40 meters deep. Facing continued delays and a lack of progress in installing the bridge foundations, the dictatorship took a measure of force. Everything was nationalized, and the consortium tried, unsuccessfully, to reverse the decision in court.
The consortium that had landed in second place was contracted. The work, nevertheless, would be completed by a separate contract for each administration — different from venture contracts, which were more common in public works at the time. It was subordinate to DNER, which contracted the services out to consortium contractors, paying a profit margin for each service. The project ran through the peak of the dictatorship and caused various accidents, many fatal.
Ten thousand workers and two hundred engineers worked on the endeavor. Photos of the time reveal the little regard for worker safety, picturing workers with rubber sandals and shorts, shirtless and smoking while they hammered or carried objects.
Hardhats and boots were scarce. The number of deaths is unclear. Officially, 33 people died during the project, but some estimate up to casualties, including deaths on the pillars.
The engineer Bruno Contarini from the Rabello contractor, contests this version of events:. The idea that the workers were buried in concrete is a myth. Management came quickly to remove the bodies. Then, we moved on. Despite the problems, the project advanced with the new consortium under the nationalized system.
New foreign equipment was ordered, and the foundations were completed with the assistance of German drill rig machines. The work continued on at an accelerated pace in the final stages, and the bridge was inaugurated at the beginning of , three years behind schedule.
During the ceremony, Andreazza said:. He rightly tried to disassociate the construction of the bridge from the dictatorship:.
Although the project was initiated while the military regime was at its peak, the decision to build the bridge was far from an authoritarian one.
If only public investment had been, in our history, marked by the same amount of planning and the same legal, democratic, and transparent procedures that preceded the approval of the project and authorized its fulfillment.
The bridge traffic exceeded expectations, and within the first year, 20, vehicles crossed it each day. Soon, the daily flow reached ,, nowadays reaching about , vehicles. The prediction was that the toll charge would compensate for the cost of the bridge within 20 years, but the value was reached in eight years, and since then the toll has been eliminated. In , the bridge was privatized, a toll charge reinstated, and is still managed by contractors today.
The total cost of the project was never ascertained, and the Brazilian Democratic Movement MDB , even during the dictatorship, tried unsuccessfully to establish a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry CPI in Congress to investigate the issue. The Federal Court of Accounts TCU tried to determine the cost of the undertaking, but the investigations were shelved. Jornal do Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, 4 mar. A ponte da ditadura. O Globo, Rio de Janeiro, 9 fev. Acesso em: 16 jun.
Acesso em 16 jun. Rio de Janeiro: IplanRio; Zahar, []. Estranhas cate — drais: as empreiteiras brasileiras e a ditadura civil-mili — tar brasileira, Engenharia no Brasil: 90 anos do Instituto de Engenharia, Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, Anais… Londrina: UEL, In , the building held the departments of sociology, anthropology, philosophy, and political science all parts of the IFCS , in addition to the Institute of History which separated from the IFCS in It was marked by active political participation of academic centers and regular strikes on the one hand and, on the other, violent repression that the regime lodged against students and professors, who were persecuted, thrown out of the university, taken prisoner, tortured, or killed by the State.
In , a terrorist attack caused a bomb to explode in the IFCS. The Institute inspired fear in the extreme right during this period, which motivated the attack. Academic centers were highly active and student strikes, constant.
The centers organized assemblies and lectures that discussed issues including: university reform, land reform, and cutbacks in universities. Moreover, some professors incentivized these student activities and organized their own events on similar topics.
As was common on other UFRJ campuses and in other universities, plainclothes state agents, disguised as students, installed themselves in the IFCS to monitor the activities of both students and professors. Assigning readings by authors with Marxist affiliations or ties to the Brazilian left was enough to get the professor in trouble with the police. In the case of students, many disappeared and were tortured because of allegations made by supposed peers.
When law-decree passed in February , the regime started purging professors accused of subversive activities from public universities. Those that managed to stay were investigated up until the s. The sociology professor Lincoln Bicalho Roque, an activist in the Communist Party of Brazil PCdoB who was forced to retire in , was killed in an attack carried out by Brazilian state agents.
The IFCS departments were devastated in terms of quality of education, since there was not enough faculty to replace those who had been forced to leave. In , the IFCS was still a center when students met to discuss political topics. It was the gathering point for protests and the location for public lectures and assemblies. Professors and students defended their convictions during a grave moment in Brazilian history.
Today, the IFCS keeps the memory of these individuals alive. Those who have not given up the belief that they can change the world still see this space as a place where discussing the future is possible. O Globo, Rio de Janeiro, 30 jun. Acesso em: 26 jan. Rio de janeiro, Address : Av. Rio Branco, , Centro; in , it was transferred to Av. From unconditional supporter, to moderate critic, to openly declaring itself the newspaper of opposition to the dictatorship in the late s, the history of Jornal do Brasil JB is filled with contradictions.
Despite suffering censorship and repression, the newspaper was one of the most influential vehicles for disseminating military ideology and supporting the coup.
Even as repression became institutionalized in , which provoked the JB to take a slightly more critical stance, the newspaper continued to follow the path of least resistance, expanding and retracting its support for the regime based on public opinion. A window into censorship under the dictatorship, JB is a benchmark for understanding the history of the press in Brazil. Founded in as a monarchist newspaper, one of its founders was the abolitionist Joaquim Nabuco.
As a result, the JB newsroom was invaded and plundered on the night of December 16, In , the newspaper was purchased by a group linked to Rui Barbosa and began to assume a republican stance. JB would rebrand itself several times. In , it abandoned its more dogmatic style, instead taking a more informative approach to journalism.
Due to the excessively high construction costs of its headquarters on Central Avenue, now Rio Branco Avenue, the paper entered into a crisis. This pushed it to rebrand itself once again, this time filling up its pages with classifieds and providing very little in the way of informative content.
This lasted until , when new leadership carried out a series of editorial reforms, and the publication once again became a source of information. This reform, spearheaded by Odyla Costa Filho, Janto de Freitas, and subsequently Alberto Dines, was considered one of the most important graphic and editorial reforms in the history of Brazilian journalism.
This revamping lasted through , when Dines assumed leadership of the paper. With this, they advocated for an institutional action against the government, even proposing a military intervention, rallying diverse groups to action, namely the military Chammas, , p. Following the coup, JB editors celebrated the end of Jango as a democratic victory, treating the coup as a legalist revolution, but also emphasizing that the military regime was just a transitory step towards reestablishing democracy.
On April 8, , JB published:. At the Campos Railroad Workers Union, authorities discovered subversive material and a list of names of three parliamentarians who were to be shot in the case of a revengeful communist revolution Jornal do Brasil , April 8, , cover. It also failed to mention the political persecution and imprisonment of opposition leadership. In , with the indirect election of Costa e Silva, crackdowns in the street increased, intensifying public mobilization against the regime despite the expectation of a gradual opening of democracy.
The democratic yearnings that the newspaper had banked on under the army general grew frustrated, particularly following the prohibition of the Broad Front. In both protests, JB elected to criticize the specific students for their radical demonstrations, noting that they left the government no choice but to retaliate.
The suppression of the protest was extremely violent, resulting in the death of 28 people Chammas, , p. This provoked a host of legal proceedings, as the government viewed increased public mobilization against the regime as a result of images disseminated in newspapers.
Support for students and the mobilization of new sectors of civil society against the dictatorship resulted in the March of the One Hundred Thousand in July Here, JB assumed a more neutral stance, upholding the protest as legitimate, but expressing reservations for the potential for leftist radicalism and communist infiltration, which would in turn incite an even more violent reaction from the regime.
The next day, the newspaper published an indirect critique of the regime:. Dark times. Suffocating temperatures. Unbreathable air. The country is being swept by strong winds. High: 38 o C, in Brasilia. Low: 5 o C, in Laranjeiras.
Jornal do Brasil, Dec 1, , cover page. In protest, the newspaper did not circulate on the following day. In response to these critiques, the government enacted a range of economic boycotts against JB , pressuring the paper to change its story content. As a result, deals were struck regarding what could and could not be published. Despite this, the newspaper generally portrayed the Geisel government — as well as the government of his successor, Figueredo — in a favorable light.
When the Amnesty Law was passed in , Jornal do Brasil viewed it as a significant step forward for the country, denouncing the way that investigations and prisons had been conducted over the course of the regime. In , the newspaper condemned the sham of an investigation into the Riocentro attack. According to JB , this would inhibit the return of democracy and political normalcy. In , with the proclamation of the Constitution, Jornal do Brasil put forward various critiques, as they found it to be filled with demagoguery and that its text would render the country ungovernable.
As such, JB sought to promote its own image of resistance within the popular imaginary. In , in the midst of a grave financial crisis, Jornal do Brasil stopped selling print copies, instead shifting to an exclusively online platform, which still exists today.
Jornal do Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, 3 abr. Jornal do Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, 5 abr. Primeiro Caderno, p. Feminism 24m. Nuclear Power 22m. AIDS 21m. Genetics 21m. More Details. Watch offline. Available to download. More Like This. Coming Soon. A leaked sex video of a promising politician serves as the catalyst for this story of four women treading the fine line between public and private life.
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